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El presente artículo refiere dos documentos nuevos para ratificar la idea de que la expulsión de los musulmanes fue una tradición en la historia medieval española, en especial en Valencia y Murcia. En ningún caso es una medida nueva diseñada por Felipe III y el duque de Lerma, ya que existen antecedentes claros y evidentes que se producen, como en 1609, cuando la seguridad interior es nuevamente amenazada por elementos externos. Son justificaciones históricas y teológicas para explicar la medida tomada en los primeros años del siglo XVII., This article refers to two new documents to ratify the idea that the expulsion of Muslims was a tradition in medieval Spanish history, especially in Valencia and Murcia. In no case is it a new measure designed by Felipe III and the Duke of Lerma, since there are clear and evident antecedents that occur, as in 1609, when internal security is again threatened by external elements. They are historical and theological justifications to explain the measure taken in the early seventeenth century., Este trabajo se encuadra en los resultados del proyecto de investigación PGC2018-099152-B-I00 del Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad.

[EN] The famous conquest of Tunis by Charles V in 1535 has been frequently interpreted as one of the last Christian crusades, a European campaign commanded by the virtuous Emperor Charles, a new Saint Louis of France. However, the voluminous propaganda around the campaign tended to overshadow that Charles V actually fought as protector of the Hafsids (the local Muslim dynasty) against the menacing expansion of the Ottoman Empire. While alliances between Muslim and Christian princes were not exceptional in the early modern Mediterranean, the meeting of Emperor Charles V and Mulay Hassan (Sultan Abû `Abd Allâh Muhammad V al-Hasan, known in Christendom as King Mulay) represents a unique interconfessional encounter between two sovereigns who shared neither language nor religion. Consequently, the representation of their alliance (or more exactly, the Hafsid’s vassalage to the Emperor) acquired a very performative character. Both sides attempted to show their shared princely culture through different representations. European chroniclers described the ceremonies during their encounters as a mute theatre where majesty and rank had to be negotiated. There were differences in their treatment, however. Spanish chroniclers, with their greater experience and long coexistence Muslims, tended to present the encounters as part of a
familiar exchange, while Central European observers offered detailed depictions of what appeared to them an exotic and amazing event., [IT] La celebre conquista di Tunisi da parte di Carlo V nel 1535 è stata spesso ritenuta una delle ultime crociate cristiane: una campagna europea comandata dal virtuoso imperatore Carlo, un nuovo San Luigi di Francia. Tuttavia, la voluminosa propaganda creatasi attorno alla campagna stessa finì per adombrare il fatto che Carlo V avesse combattuto in difesa della dinastia musulmana degli Hafsidi per respingere la temuta espansione dell'Impero ottomano. Sebbene le alleanze tra i principi musulmani e cristiani non rappresentassero situazioni eccezionali nel Mediterraneo della prima Età Moderna, l'incontro tra l'imperatore Carlo V e Muley Hassan (il sultano Abû `Abd Allâh Muhammad V al-Hasan, più noto alla cristianità con il nome di re Muley) rispecchia un contatto interconfessionale unico, in cui i due sovrani non condividevano né lingua né religione. Di conseguenza, la manifestazione della loro alleanza (o, più esattamente, del rapporto di vassallaggio che unì gli Hafsidi all'imperatore) acquisì presto un carattere estremamente performativo. Entrambe le parti cercarono di mostrare la loro comune cultura principesca attraverso molteplici rappresentazioni. I cronisti europei descrissero i loro incontri come uno spettacolo di teatro muto in cui si negoziava la maestà e il rango a colpi di cerimoniale. Si crearono, tuttavia, differenti visioni e percezioni di tali situazioni. Se da un lato, i cronisti spagnoli, forti di una consolidata esperienza per via di una lunga convivenza con i musulmani, tendevano a presentare gli incontri come parte di uno scambio familiare, dall’altro lato, gli osservatori del centro Europa offrirono rappresentazioni dettagliate di ciò che appariva loro un evento esotico e del tutto sorprendente., This research was funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science (Project PGC2018-099152-B-I00).

[EN] The struggle between Charles V and the Ottoman empire for control of the central Mediterranean spanned the whole of the emperor’s reign and continued for much of the sixteenth century. It would come to an end with the final campaigns of the Ottoman fleet under the command of Cigalazade towards the end of that century. From 1529, when Süleyman first attempted to conquer Vienna, until 1541 when the imperial forces failed to take Algiers, the two great rulers based at opposite ends of the Mediterranean organised a series of campaigns against the other, relying for the most part on their maritime forces. During the 1530s in particular it is possible to detect a major shift in the emperor’s strategic direction which would have important repercussions on the development of the Monarchy’s principal Mediterranean ports, especially Barcelona and Malaga. This article illustrates and assesses the significant contribution of the city of Barcelona and its dockyards to the imperial campaign launched in support of the Hafsid sultan’s attempt to recover the city of Tunis, which had been conquered in 1534 by the Ottoman fleet under the command of Hayreddin Barbarossa. It relies principally on the little-known manuscripts of Juan de Rena now housed in the Archivo General de Navarra, supplemented where possible with material relating to the costs of the expedition from the Archivo General de Simancas., [IT] Lo scontro che contrappose Carlo V all'Impero Ottomano per il controllo del Mediterraneo centrale, oltre a marcare l’agenda politica dell’Asburgo per l’intera durata del suo regno, caratterizzò tutto il lungo Cinquecento. Di fatti, questo conflitto si affievolì solamente negli ultimi decenni del XVI secolo, quando si registrarono le ultime incursioni della flotta ottomana posta sotto il comando di Cigalazade nel Mediterraneo occidentale. Dal 1529, quando Solimano il Magnifico tentò per la prima volta di conquistare Vienna, fino al 1541, quando la flotta imperiale fallì nel tentativo di conquistare Algeri, Osmanli e Asburgo promossero una serie di campagne navali ai danni del rivale contando principalmente sulle proprie forze navali. In modo particolare, durante gli anni ‘30 del XVI secolo, è possibile rilevare un importante cambiamento nella strategia politico-militare adottata da Carlo V, che avrebbe avuto un impatto importante sullo sviluppo dei principali porti mediterranei della Monarchia ispanica, tra cui Barcellona e Malaga. In questo articolo si valuta proprio il contributo significativo della città di Barcellona e dei suoi arsenali alla campagna imperiale lanciata a sostegno di Muley Hassan, il sultano Hafside impegnato nel tentativo di recuperare la città di Tunisi dopo che, nel 1534, fu conquistata da Hayreddin Barbarossa, comandante della flotta ottomana. Tale indagine si basa principalmente su una serie di manoscritti di Juan de Rena ancora poco conosciuti e conservati presso l’Archivo General de Navarra, a cui si integra, ove possibile, il ricco materiale relativo ai costi della spedizione che si trova nell'Archivo General de Simancas., This research was funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science (Project PGC2018-099152-B-I00)., Peer reviewed

Con autorización de la editorial para este capítulo., El presente trabajo se incluye entre los resultados del Proyecto de Investigación PGC2018-099152-B-I00, y también se encuadra entre los resultados del grupo RecerCaixa 2017ACUP00195., Peer reviewed

Con autorización de la editorial para este capítulo., En el año de 1565, los castellanos empezaron a establecer su poder en el sureste de Asia. Fundaron la colonia de Filipinas, conquistaron la ciudad de Manila y difundieron su gobierno y la religión católica en gran parte del archipiélago. No obstante, ya antes de su llegada, el islam se había instalado en la zona. Debido al antagonismo histórico entre la cultura cristiana e islámica, el estallido de una guerra abierta entre ambos grupos solo era una cuestión de tiempo. La situación que se desarrolló en los próximos años anunció más de trescientos años de enfrentamiento. No obstante, también hubo momentos de paz, de “amistad” y de comercio mutuo con algunos de los estados musulmanes, negociado por hombres de ambos bandos. Este capítulo se centra aproximadamente en los primeros cien años de la presencia hispánica en Asia y plantea la pregunta ¿quiénes fueron estos hombres que realizaron la diplomacia hispano-musulmana en Filipinas?, Este capítulo se ha realizado en el marco de los proyectos nacionales “Jesuitas y recoletos en Filipinas” (CSIC 202110I024) y “Tratar con el infiel” (PGC2018-099152-B-I00)., Peer reviewed

Con autorización de la revista para este artículo, In the overlay of Muslim and Christian geopolitical interest zones in the early modern Philippines, the missionaries of the Society of Jesus got to play a unique role as cultural intermediaries. This article analyzes some outstanding episodes of Jesuit diplomatic activities between the Spanish colonial government and the rulers on the islands of Mindanao and Jolo. In the setting of the Southeast Asian world, Spain found itself in a hostile environment in which the Muslim polities were a permanent factor. Slave raiders from both islands threatened the coastal villages of the Spanish Visayas, while on the other hand, Spanish imperial plans compromised the sovereignty of the sultans. By investigating Jesuit chronicles and additional contemporary sources, this study focuses on the Spanish side of this relation. It will contextualize the role of the Jesuits as ambassadors and, at the same time, as promoters of their own missionary interests. Thereby, it will assess the geostrategic considerations of the Jesuit order and their similarities with and differences from those of the colonial government in Manila. This article argues that in spite of a general overlap of interests, discrepancies existed and increased over the years, eventually effecting the outcome of negotiations., This article was written in the course of the project “Dealing with the Infidel: Hispanic
Diplomacy with Muslim Powers (1492-1708)” (PGC2018-099152-B-I00), Peer reviewed

Este artículo está sujeto a una licencia CC BY NC ND 4.0, In the Philippines, at the fringes of the Spanish empire, the Society of Jesus took on a difficult task, the mission and pastoral work on the Island of Mindanao, which was ruled mostly by Muslim polities. In the frontier zone between Spanish and Islamic spheres of influence, Jesuit missionaries, in symbiosis with Spanish and native Christian troops, tried to expand their zone of influence and force Islam back. Thereby, the priests participated actively in defensive and offensive military tasks. This article gives an overview of the Jesuits’ presence in the south of the Philippines and then, by studying printed Jesuit sources, analyzes the image cultivation of the local members of the order. Putting the topic in the context of the anti-Jesuit discussion in Europe, the article reasons that the communication strategy of the Jesuits in the middle of the eighteenth century was particularly aimed at highlighting the usefulness of the missionaries to the colony and the empire in general., This article was written in the course of the Spanish projects “Dealing with the Infidel: Hispanic Diplomacy with Muslim Powers (1492–1708)” (PGC2018-099152-B-I00) and “Jesuitas y recoletos en Filipinas” (CSIC 202110I024, no. 225595), Peer reviewed

Este artículo está sujeto a una licencia CC BY 4.0, In line with its medieval predecessors, the Habsburg court had no particular problem in receiving representatives from outside the Christendom’s framework. Until 1580 these usually included Maghrebi envoys with an ambiguous status and without a notable diplomatic presence. Subsequently, the aggregation of the crown of Portugal to the Spanish Monarchy and the ceremonial standardization that gradually took place led, on the one hand, to the arrival of African and Asian agents of a different profile, with whom there was less familiarity, and on the other, to an attempt to assign them to the existing diplomatic categories. Among the numerous problems of Madrid as a reception centre for “exotic embassies,” we will look at the use of the city’s monasteries as accommodation for some of these agents and their entourage. Instead of being offered houses, these individuals were left in a provisional situation in accordance with their dubious diplomatic status, a policy that triggered problems of public order and decorum because of their difficult coexistence with the monastic communities. These and other monasteries played a further role as places of sociability and exchange for people who were not accustomed to such institutions. This will provide a glimpse into the complementarity between palaces and monasteries in a strongly confessionalised court and, paradoxically, into a kind of ceremonial flexibility that bordered on tolerance., Peer reviewed

Este dataset está sujeto a una licencia CC BY-NC-ND 4.0, [EN] Legati is a collaborative dataset recording every diplomatic mission (in a broad sense) exchanged between Spanish and Muslim authorities during the Early Modern Age (1492-1708). Actors, places, involved authorities and results are identified. As these contacts are peculiar to the requirements of classical diplomacy, special attention is paid to the criteria for the choice of actors, the accreditations they carried, the ceremonial or confessional problems they faced, and the issues of material and immaterial culture that emerged. Finally, the bibliography and sources are listed in detail to serve as a basis for future research., [ES] Legati es una base de datos colaborativa en la que registrar cada misión diplomática, en sentido amplio, intercambiada entre poderes hispanos y musulmanes en la Edad Moderna (1492-1708). Se identifican los actores, lugares, autoridades implicadas y resultados. Al tratarse de unos contactos peculiares para los requisitos de la diplomacia clásica, se presta especial atención a los criterios de elección de los actores, las acreditaciones que portaban, los problemas ceremoniales o confesionales que encararon y las cuestiones de cultura material e inmaterial que aparecieron. Por último, se recoge detalladamente la bibliografía y fuentes para que sirva de base a futuras investigaciones., Proyecto intramural especial 201810I112 Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Peer reviewed

Con autorización de la editorial para este capítulo., El presente trabajo es parte del proyecto de I+D+i PGC2018-099152B-I00, financiado por MCIN/AEI/10.13039/501100011033/ FEDER “Una manera de hacer Europa” y también se encuadra entre los resultados del grupo RecerCaixa 2017ACUP00195., Peer reviewed

The symbolic dimension of defensive structures has received rare historiographical attention. This chapter fills part of this gap by analyzing a widespread defensive structure in the Spanish colonial Philippines: watchtowers. These constructions were recurrent constituents of the coastal warning system and played a fundamental role in the defense against raiders from neighboring islands. After presenting the Philippine setting and contextualizing the Spanish-Asian colony, this chapter traces the development of these watchtowers in the eighteenth century and, in particular, the circumstances of their creation and usage. Tentative ideas will be presented in regard to possible semantic aspects of the watchtowers, going beyond their mere functionality. In doing so, it will become evident that watchtowers played an essential role as material manifestations of the colonial state in the Philippines., This chapter was written in the course of the Spanish national projects “Dealing with the Infidel” (PGC2018–099152–B–I00) and “Jesuitas y recoletos en Filipinas” (202110I024), Peer reviewed

Este artículo está sujeto a una licencia CC BY 4.0, Este artículo explora el sistema de gobierno de la Monarquía hispana del siglo XVII, considerado el primer imperio global de la historia. Se emplea una prosopografía crítica para analizar detalladamente las trayectorias de los 185 consejeros de Estado, quienes conformaban el cuerpo asesor más elitista del rey. Investigamos sus roles como virreyes y embajadores para entender mejor el funcionamiento del cursus honorum de la Monarquía. El estudio pone especial atención en cómo se conceptualizaba la gestión del gobierno interno y externo a través de las ideas sobre el Estado en esa época. Además, se discute cómo la tradición del servicio cortesano, ejemplificada por nobles pragmáticos y prudentes, predominaba sobre la idea de carreras políticas especializadas., Esta publicación es parte del proyecto de I+D+i PGC2018-099152-B-I00, financiado por MCIN/AEI/10.13039/501100011033/ FEDER “Una manera de hacer Europa”, Peer reviewed

Con autorización de la revista para este artículo, El presente artículo refiere dos documentos nuevos para ratificar la idea de que la expulsión de los musulmanes fue una tradición en la historia medieval española, en especial en Valencia y Murcia. En ningún caso es una medida nueva diseñada por Felipe III y el duque de Lerma, ya que existen antecedentes claros y evidentes que se producen, como en 1609, cuando la seguridad interior es nuevamente amenazada por elementos externos. Son justificaciones históricas y teológicas para explicar la medida tomada en los primeros años del siglo XVII., Peer reviewed