The 15-M mobilizations shook Spanish society and placed the demand for ‘real democracy’ at the center of political debate. In order to better understand the scope and impact of the Indignados’ democratizing endeavors, this article aims to address an issue that has not received much attention: the connection of this protest cycle with the political economy. To this end, both the opportunity structure generated by the economic crisis and the class and gen-erational conflicts shaping the mobilizations are analyzed. The article proposes that the symbolic and short-term success of 15-M in re-politicizing distributive conflicts contrasts with its medium- term inability to materially democratize the political economy. This relative failure can be explained by the confluence of several fac-tors: on the one hand, 15-M’s organizational weakness and its disconnection from a somewhat declining labor movement; on the other, the lack of responsiveness of Spain’s political institutions to street politics and the powerful structural inertia of economic dynamics created by decades of neoliberalism. The findings of this case study aim to contribute to scholarly debates on the impacts of social movements and their connection to political economy and social classes.The 15-M mobilizations shook Spanish society and placed the demand for ‘real democracy’ at the center of political debate. In order to better understand the scope and impact of the Indignados’ democratizing endeavors, this article aims to address an issue that has not received much attention: the connection of this protest cycle with the political economy. To this end, both the opportunity structure generated by the economic crisis and the class and gen-erational conflicts shaping the mobilizations are analyzed. The article proposes that the symbolic and short-term success of 15-M in re-politicizing distributive conflicts contrasts with its medium- term inability to materially democratize the political economy. This relative failure can be explained by the confluence of several fac-tors: on the one hand, 15-M’s organizational weakness and its disconnection from a somewhat declining labor movement; on the other, the lack of responsiveness of Spain’s political institutions to street politics and the powerful structural inertia of economic dynamics created by decades of neoliberalism. The findings of this case study aim to contribute to scholarly debates on the impacts of social movements and their connection to political economy and social classes., This article was supported by the Spanish State Research Agency [grant number PID2019- 104078GB-I00/AEI/10.13039/501100011033], Peer reviewed

Con autorización de la editorial para autores CSIC., Este trabajo se enmarca en el proyecto Evolución de la contienda política financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades (referencia PID2019-104078GB-I00), Peer reviewed

Con autorización de la editorial para este capítulo., Este artículo se ha elaborado en el marco del proyecto PID2019-104078GB-I00 / AEI / 10.13039/501100011033, financiado por la Agencia Estatal de Investigación., Peer reviewed

This article analyses the most prominent mobilizations led by civil society organizations, activist networks, and parties in Spain from 1996 to 2020. The article examines 235 large-scale mobilizations to explore how civil society actors have shaped and reflected persistent sociopolitical cleavages. Using protest event analysis and a CHAID-based classification model, it identifies terrorism and nationalism as key recurring issues. These mobilizations reveal long-term tensions rooted in Spain’s democratic transition, with victims’ associations, the 15M/Indignados movement, and Catalan secessionism illustrating the evolution of civic culture and civil institutions. Since the end of ETA terrorism in 2011, nationalist claims have sustained a polarised public sphere, exposing the enduring cleavage around Spain’s constitutional national identity.

In this research note, we explore citizens’ perceptions of climate change and the risks and benefits associated with various technologies, attending to citizens’ interest in science and technology and their civic ecological engagement. We focus on technologies such as energy generation, medical experimentation and genetic modification, artificial intelligence, and work robotization, emphasizing the complexity of the socio-ecological dimension of contemporary society. Using data from the Science and Technology Perception Survey (EPSCT) 2022, we analyse the association between civic engagement activities, interest in science and technology, climate consciousness, and these technologies. Our findings indicate that citizens’ perceptions of technology risks and benefits are associated with civic involvement and interest in science and technology. Active participation in public debates, NGO activities, or expressive civic actions tends to be associated with more positive perceptions of technology benefits, independently of the higher risk generally associated with some of them, for example, nuclear energy. However, significative differences emerge when considering climate consciousness and the perception of technologies as risks, with science and technology enthusiasts and engaged citizens potentially shaping public perceptions differently. Activating socio-ecological civic engagement and cultivating scientific culture can play a role in persuading public opinion on the perceptions of technology risks and benefits, highlighting the need for inclusive and informed decision-making processes in addressing contemporary socio-technological and socio-ecological challenges, such as climate change.

Social inequality is a central theme in sociology study plans (both in research and education), but it is often one of the most difficult topics to teach. This article presents an innovative student-centered strategy for teaching social inequality that uses a survey to collect data on students’ socioeconomic characteristics and perceptions of inequality. To stimulate reflection and discussion on the social mechanisms that reproduce inequality, this information is subsequently presented to them in conjunction with a comparative analysis to general population data. The exercise seeks to make social inequality less abstract for students by involving them in the research process and by using data relative to their own lives and families. Ultimately, the strategy boosts students’ sociological imagination and their capacity for critical thinking by encouraging them to see the connections between individual biographies and broader social forces.

The 15-M mobilizations shook Spanish society and placed the demand for ‘real democracy’ at the center of political debate. In order to better understand the scope and impact of the Indignados’ democratizing endeavors, this article aims to address an issue that has not received much attention: the connection of this protest cycle with the political economy. To this end, both the opportunity structure generated by the economic crisis and the class and generational conflicts shaping the mobilizations are analyzed. The article proposes that the symbolic and short-term success of 15-M in re-politicizing distributive conflicts contrasts with its medium-term inability to materially democratize the political economy. This relative failure can be explained by the confluence of several factors: on the one hand, 15-M’s organizational weakness and its disconnection from a somewhat declining labor movement; on the other, the lack of responsiveness of Spain’s political institutions to street politics and the powerful structural inertia of economic dynamics created by decades of neoliberalism. The findings of this case study aim to contribute to scholarly debates on the impacts of social movements and their connection to political economy and social classes.

Este artículo estudia la relación entre las formas de protesta y los destinatarios de esas acciones a partir de un estudio de caso centrado en España entre el 2000 y 2020. Más específicamente, analiza las asociaciones entre los distintos objetivos y repertorios de protesta, considerando la transgresión y amplitud de los segundos y observando la evolución de esas asociaciones en el tiempo, especialmente durante los periodos de crisis. Lo hace utilizando una estrategia metodológica que combina el análisis de eventos de protesta con el análisis de correspondencias. Las nuevas evidencias generadas con la aplicación de estas técnicas a un caso hasta ahora inexplorado en la literatura nos permiten avanzar en el estudio de los destinatarios de la protesta con la contrastación de algunas hipótesis sobre la cuestión, además de sugerir nuevas preguntas para futuras líneas de trabajo.

En este capítulo abordo los vínculos y conexiones que los partidos y autoridades políticas han mantenido con grupos de la sociedad civil y movimientos sociales en torno a aquellos temas de controversia pública con una mayor capacidad para movilizar a la ciudadanía. Lo hago, principalmente, desde una perspectiva macro o agregada, y exploro las potenciales consecuencias de tales dinámicas sobre la vida social y política del país, en torno a algunos episodios de fuerte discusión pública: el terrorismo, el nacionalismo, las oportunidades materiales de vida, el medioambiente, o los derechos de la mujer y los colectivos LGTB, entre otros.

Para ello me sirvo de una base de datos compuesta por más de doscientos casos de movilización con un alto grado de participación celebrados entre 2000 y 2020 en España, y doy respuesta a cuatro cuestiones. En primer lugar, qué papel han jugado los partidos en contraste con grupos y asociaciones de la sociedad civil en el impulso de esas movilizaciones, si las comparamos con aquellas con un menor poder de convocatoria. Segundo, cuáles son los temas de controversia pública en torno a las que los partidos han participado directamente en la convocatoria de grandes movilizaciones, y cómo han evolucionado esos temas en el tiempo. Tercero, en relación a qué temas de debate público los partidos han venido apoyado a las organizaciones de la sociedad civil en sus llamadas a la movilización, y cuáles son los que cobran mayor protagonismo en las dos décadas.

Por último, comparo el grado de vinculación de los partidos con la sociedad civil para cada tema de controversia a la hora de impulsar la acción colectiva. Esto me permite proyectar dinámicas particulares que van más allá de la perspectiva estrictamente agregada. La naturaleza de los datos utilizados implica asumir limitaciones y riesgos si nos remitimos a ellos como única fuente de estudio. La muestra de casos considerados forma parte de una base de datos, más amplia N=4.623, construida mediante la técnica del análisis de eventos de protesta a partir de los dos principales diarios de la prensa generalista en España (El País y El Mundo)

Young Spaniards’ increasing identification with conservative positions and right-wing politics, along with the associated gender gap, has garnered notable academic and media interest. Using data from the European Social Survey (ESS), this study first analyzes the evolution of these political stances between 2002 and 2023, then profiles the set of cohorts of young individuals aged 18 to 29 who have identified with liberal-conservative positions over the last two decades. By doing so, it seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of youth ideology in Spain, challenging stereotypes about this demographic, and highlighting the interplay of factors that have shaped young people's political identities, particularly liberal conservative politics.

Pilot Survey CiudCovid2020 (See: How Did the Pandemic Shape the Dynamics of Two Civic Communities?: Unraveling Complementarities and Divergences Within Spain’s Civic CultureWithin Spain’s Civic Culture)